Preface

This text was written in Russian 5 years ago in the context of discussion with vulgar marxists about essence of communism by title "Touches to image of Post-Capitalism" ("Штрихи к образу посткапитализма"). This translation is extended and has more affirmative nameing: "Communist Standpoint". That is conscious shift from doubt to certainty, clarification of social and cultural positioning. Three aspects that determine my thought: vologdanian, communist, philosopher, — needs to clarification:

1. Vologda

Vologda is my native city, capital of Vologda region, has rich revolutionary history and culture. At the beginning of ΧΧ century here was a center of political deportation. M. Ulyanova (Lenin’s sister), A. Bogdanov (inventor of "Tektology", generalized organizing science, proto-cybernetics discipline), N. Berdyaev (marxist, later religious socialist), I. Stalin (revolutionary marxist, later — dictator of soviet termidore), and may others was exiles in Vologda under Tzarist regime.

Vologdanian worker Ivan Vasilyevich Babushkin was one from leaders of Bolshevik party, at 1905's revolution organize organized a revolt in Chita; at 1906's was murdered by tzarist death squad. V. I. Lenin writed about his death: "Babushkin fell victim to the brutal reprisal of the tsarist oprichnik, but, dying, he knew that the cause to which he had devoted his entire life would not die, that it would be done by tens, hundreds of thousands, millions of other hands, that other fellow workers would die for this cause, that they would fight until they won."

Another figure of Vologda’s revolutionary culture is worldwide known writer and dissident Varlam Tikhonovich Shalamov, author of Kolyma Tales. This collection of novels is clear and distinct expose of criminal character of Stalin’s termidorian dictatorship, perversion of socialist ideas and worker’s democracy. On the contrast to Solzhenitsyn’s writings full of adoration of feudal system, priestly fraudestering, anti-semitism and great-russian chauvinism, Shalamov stay on the side of progress of socialism and democracy that is especially actual in our time.

Third key-person to understanding of vologdanian culture in its positive aspect, that is composer Valery Alexandrovich Gavrilin. His creativity is very philosophical. Most of his works is not so revolutionary but more elegical, as explication of principle og peoplehood in art that was developing in ontognoseology of M. Lifshitz. On the other hand his oratoria "Buffons" ("Skomorokhy") about conflict of people’s laughing culture and creative intelligentia against state censorship and tsarist feudal-clerical regime from Ivan the Terrible to Nikolay the Bloody — amazing illustration of Bakhtin’s theory of carnavalization.

In general, Vologda’s culture — is culture of struggle and resistance against feudal-priestly, bureaucratic and bourgeois dictatorship. And today there is obvious reasons to continue and expand this culture, native and cosmopolitan at the same time.

2. Communism

Communism is another keypoint of my thought that may be reduced to two understandings:

Primary it is undrstanding that all ideals, all shrines, all axioms of our society is only details in mechanism of exploitation, violence and delusioning that is works against me and all other workers of physical and intellectual labour whose activity allow to society exist.

Private property is only a tool for our expluatation;

Nation-States are prisons that divides one humankind;

Marriage-family is a breeding-ground for oedipization, other complexes and subsequent ideologization;

Religions are institutionalize charlatanism that blesses all previously listed.

This imperialist system wage-slavery in process of its own assemblage that is include primitive accumulation — enclosures, colonization, enslavering of peoples and slave trade, organized famines, opium wars, two worldwide and many local imperialist wars in XX century makes ~3,5 billions of corpses per 400 years of its existing. And obvious ethical debt of any adequate person is to try with all his might to eradicate it.

Secondary it is understanding that this hateful system is contradictionary and near to its end. Karl Marx’s genius was that he was the first to scientifically prove that the structure of capitalist society leads to the self-destruction of private property (and therefore of states, families, national divisions and religions), the intensification of the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the expropriation of the expropriators and the establishment of a global classless communist society.

Greedest capitalists in they pursuit for profit therefore — is only blinded servants of Permanent Revolution.

They don’t know the laws of history — but we do. Therefore, our common movement into communism is not equal: history leads us to communism, but drags them. The awareness of regularity of progress, the imminent end of hateful capitalism and the establishment of a global communist society is, in contrast to the sad, illiterate activists who are forever whining about the invincibility of capital, a source of ever-increasing joy and enthusiasm.

3. Philosophy

Philosophy — love to wisdom as knowledge about transition from human to posthuman condition. Really, all contemporary philosophers forget this practical keypoint of philosophy as love to wisdom in its authentic meaning. For Pythagoras, invenor of concept of philosophy, it was a way to divine condition, when philosopher’s soul liberate themself from sins and ignorance become god after death of body. Now we know, there is no soul, gods or transcendent world — but there is progress of science, technology and society in general, that may to make a reassembling of our bodies structure and physiology, reinforce its capacity ti existence ad infinity.

Partisanship of philosophy, choice between positions of dialectics and metaphycis, materialism and idealism, practic and contemplation, revolution and reaction — in summary it is a choice between life and death. Therefore if we want to live, we should to choice philosophy that is:

Materialist — because world is material, matter is a substance of the world, and all discussions about souls, gods, ideal world, etc — harmful delusions;

Dialectical — because motion is mode of existence of the matter, and metaphysical denial of this fact — direct way to system of false consiousness;

Practical — because practice is a way to make our life better, contemplation is an escape from real life, way to powerty, ideology, loneliness and death;

Revolutionary — because revolution is qualitative change of changeability of social world, that make more deep changes is possible, reaction — is a mad resistance to the progress improving our lives.

Acceptance of this viewpoints is a condition of adequate and integral worldview where life is better then death. And practical care about transition of society from capitalism to communism it the local and global levels — it is obvious consequences philosophical and conscious love to this only real life. Nomadology Manifesto describes this position more concretely; On philosophical methodology describes structure of philosophical discourse, principles of selection of adequate to this aim concepts on the plane of consistency; Assemblage concept describes basic ontology that allow to think transition from human to posthuman condition.

Introduction

Capitalism is near to its fall — this position has been, in various variations, the leading intention of all contemporary politics over the past century and a half — as is the question of the specific timing of this event. Additional fog is added to the formulation of the problem by common interpretations in which the end of capitalism is thought of as a one-time political event, entailing a total reorganization of the entire social order. It is clear that such interpretations are closely connected with unsolved remnants of the Judeo-Christian religion and theology (The present study will not address criticism of theological Judeo-Christian ideas that have not yet been purged from contemporary Marxist theory due to its location within the boundaries of the Enlightenment (non)reflexive break with scholasticism and patristics; while Nick Land’s finalist division comes from Augustine of Hippo, whom he did not read or reflect on), in particular, eschatologism or finalism, that is, the idea that history has a beginning, duration and end in the form of the resurrection of the dead and the Last Judgment. At the same time, in the texts of the author, who was the first to pose this problem in relation to the mechanisms by which capitalism itself prepares the transition to the next level of development, such mythological ideas are essentially absent. How did Marx think — and it is precisely about him and the development of his ideas that we are discussing here and below — about the end of capitalism and its replacement by some new socio-historical formation, which he defined as communist?

In the light of this question, we can single out at least sixteen judgments in which Marx and his followers define the revolutionary event that marks the end of capitalism and the advent of communism, which will become guiding principles for us in our study. In addition, the question of communism presupposes clarification of the related questions about:

1. About the nature of the historical process;

2. About the character and limits of society as such, which in the course of the communist revolution and history in general passes from one state to another;

3. Abouth the line of stages of historical development of matter;

4. About the essence of unconscious as production in the context of contemporary, i.e. post-structuralist Freudo-Marxism, which is key to understanding all the previous ones, allowing us to further differentiate ourselves from the enlightenment left, who believe in direct, unmediated access to the real state of affairs by sign systems and the possibility of its unmediated change.

So, what do we know about post-capitalism?

Communist Standpoint

1. Not a state, but a process.

In German Ideology, Marx and Engels strictly differentiate themselves from utopian, semi-religious socialism, whose representatives try to think of communism as the establishment of a certain predetermined state, to which everything must come and finally “fall into place”: “Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things.” (Der Kommunismus ist für uns nicht ein Zustand, der hergestellt werden soll, ein Ideal, wonach die Wirklichkeit sich zu richten haben [wird]. Wir nennen Kommunismus die wirkliche Bewegung, welche den jetzigen Zustand aufhebt.) This definition is at odds with the popular interpretation of communism as a condition established by a single event, such as the Russian Revolution of October 25-26, 1917. As a real movement, a real process, communism includes long-term changes that preceded and followed this event. Moreover. These changes are extended not only in time but also in space, both geographical and in the space of social differentiation. Peasant uprisings and revolts in the colonies, the labor movement, its victories and defeats in the course of specific strikes and the adoption of labor legislation, scientific and technical discoveries, the spread of universal education and the growth of literacy, the growth of population and its redistribution from villages to cities, and many other processes stretching over thousands of kilometers and decades of years, thus outline the boundaries of that world-historical movement that Marx and Engels define as communist.

2. As a result of the struggle of the proletariat…

The driving force that puts an end to capitalism, according to Marx, is the struggle of wage workers for political domination over the other classes of society and for scientific and technical domination over the productive forces, which under capitalism are in an uncontrolled state of market anarchy. The revolutionary nature of the proletariat as a class is in turn conditioned by its position as an aggregate of collectives exploited by the bourgeoisie in large-scale machine production, which do not possess private property in the means of production that they are forced to service. Workers can improve their economic situation only by rising from collective economic struggle, strikes and walkouts, to political struggle, uniting in parties and suppressing market anarchy with the forces of the state apparatus. Since every wage worker participates in the production of material goods, then thus, it ensures not only its own existence, but also the existence of all other classes and strata of society, some of which bring indirect benefits, such as the intelligentsia or certain groups of employees, while others are completely useless, since they do not produce any goods and only consume what others produce. It is precisely the economic and political struggle of the proletariat in all countries of the world, leading to the victory of the workers' and communist parties in them, and their unification into a world republic with the subsequent replacement of all officials and managers with computer technology and popular assemblies, that is the driving force of the communist process of socialization of planetary production.

3… accelerating the growth of production and vice versa.

The struggle of the proletariat and communism are defined in Marxism as progressive phenomena for only one reason: they lead to the growth of productive forces, to an ever greater domination of society over itself and out-social nature. Thus, one of the key areas of the struggle of the proletariat is the struggle to reduce the length of the working day and increase wages. Every capitalist who is forced to raise wages and shorten the working day in order to recoup costs is forced to increase labor productivity so that the factory can turn out more and better quality products in less time. And to do this, he is forced to buy more efficient machines and invest in improving the skills of workers, directly or collectively through the state. This creates a need for additional scientific and technical specialists who design new types of machines and materials for their manufacture; economists who calculate the profitability of new industries; teachers who teach young people new professions, and so on. A new generation of better trained workers, united by the struggle and living in a richer society, is included in a new cycle of struggle and so on, with acceleration, until the intensity of this struggle leads to a qualitative transformation of the whole society. Of course, in practice this scheme works with failures and deviations, the reason for which lies in the general laws of the historical process, but on the whole the law is observed: the growth of production and the class struggle, scientific and technological and social progress mutually accelerate and stimulate each other.

Workers can improve their economic situation only by ascending from the collective economic struggle, strikes and walkouts, to the political struggle, uniting in parties and suppressing market anarchy by the forces of the state apparatus.

4. Beyond representation.

Since communism is not a completed state, but an accelerating process, its truth is located beyond the order of representation, both ideological and scientific. This is the meaning of the idea of scientific socialism of Marx and Engels, different from the utopian, dream-mongering socialism of their predecessors. We can and must predict the already existing trends in the development of society; we can and must design our intervention in these trends, contributing to their correction and acceleration; but we cannot know in advance all the details of the unfolding historical process before they occur — and therefore we must act taking into account the incompleteness of our own ideas about reality, preserving a free place for them in the order of thinking and action. For example, it is unacceptable to reduce communism to an imaginary "all-people uprising" that will solve all the problems of capitalism in one fell swoop. If communism is a multitude of heterogeneous processes, stretched out in time and distributed in space, then among them there are not only revolutions that amaze the imagination, but also unnoticeable ones, which are no less significant. The reading of volumes of economic statistics and the scribbling of the pen of a German émigré journalist in a London flat over many years is a completely unremarkable process, but its world-historical significance is identical to two enormous political revolutions — the Russian and Chinese, not counting the dozens associated with them, since it was one of the key conditions that released the trigger of a cascade of events that led to them at a certain stage. Another group of imperceptible processes and events are those for which there is no clear and unambiguous description at all, either in scientific, philosophical or, especially, in everyday language, and which belong to the order of the unconscious, which will be discussed in more detail below.

5. Its result is non-political association.

Marx and Engels assert in the Manifesto that the result of the communist revolution will be a kind of world association: "When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character. <…> In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all."

This association, whatever it may be, will not have a political character, proceeding from the possible paths of the withering away of which the onset of communism should be thought of. The political in this case can, in all likelihood, be thought of as representative, since politics acts as a machine expressing through parties and state apparatuses the interests of certain classes, as well as the groups and subjects that make them up. Since all states, like classes, will wither away in communism, there will be no possibility of expressing one through the other, while power will exist in the form of public discussions regarding the directions and methods of implementing scientific, technical and social progress, having as its subject primarily technology, which appropriates resources of an extra-social nature (compare point 8). Another important and unclear point is the question of the relationship of this communist association with the layers of society that have not fully entered communism, as well as the question of the methods of initial communist accumulation.

6. Its production basis is the general intellect.

In the famous "fragment on machines" Marx notes that capitalism, developing fixed capital in the form of an automatic system of machines, at the same time develops its scientific character, spreading it to all production. Accordingly, the duration of necessary working time becomes ever shorter in comparison with the time of production of surplus value, which allows, during the transition to communism, to reduce the duration of the working day to a minimum, and to direct the free time of members of society to the development of artistic, scientific and other creative abilities, further accelerating scientific and technical progress and increasing the total wealth of society, at the same time freeing it from the cruel capitalist necessity, expressed in the form of economic coercion and its accessory mechanisms in the form of the police, family, church, and so on (the ideological effects of these institutions are, in principle, identical). At the same time, the transformation of the machine system from fixed capital into a form of general intellect, conceived by Marx as humanistic and anthropocentric, may presuppose a whole spectrum of significantly more gloomy outcomes associated with the development of artificial intelligence and the liberation of productive forces from what is incorrectly defined in the teachings of N. Land as a "system of human security". In general, the interpretations of general intellect as already given and human-appropriate, given by Paolo Virno and other operaists, suffer from a certain bad abstractness, since they presuppose optimistic positions as correct in advance, whereas such an outcome is more likely probabilistic than predetermined.

7. Lenin: an entire era.

This movement, according to Lenin's thought, constitutes an entire era: "The transition from capitalism to communism is an entire historical era." (PSS, ed. 5, v. 37, p. 264) — But we already know that an epoch cannot be thought of as some kind of static state, but on the contrary, a constant transition, states of a multitude of specific changes and the contradictions that determine them. Epochs can be superimposed on one another — in the times of Marx and Engels, as in ours, the capitalist epoch undoubtedly took place — and at the same time, alongside and in contradiction to it, the communist epoch took place as a process that destroys the previous epoch, defined in relation to it as a state. Consequently, the feature of the communist epoch is the greater mobility, fluidity of all social and scientific-technical phenomena, the replaceability of all elements and structures that make up the social whole, in comparison with capitalism. In the Manifesto, Marx and Engels note that capitalism is essentially already developing this tendency, but too slowly and inconsistently, on the one hand, unable to cope with the uncontrolled growth of production, which resolves itself in crises — and on the other, piling up barricades of "checks and balances" on the path of progress,

8. Its basis is state-capitalist monopoly.

In his work "The Impending Catastrophe and How to Fight It", V.I. Lenin defines socialism as follows: "Socialism is merely state-capitalist monopoly which is made to serve the interests of the whole people and has to that extent ceased to be capitalist monopoly." This definition is remarkable in that it presupposes a certain symmetry, based on which it is possible to conceive of not a state-capitalist, but a capital-state monopoly directed to the benefit of all peoples and to that extent has ceased to be a state monopoly. If this hypothesis is true, and along with the well-known October and Chinese proletarian revolutions, the reverse form of socialization of production is possible, then such a hypothetical organizational form turns out to be located on the other side of the so-called anarcho-capitalism as a utopian form of hyper-capitalist design, symmetrical to utopian socialism or anarcho-socialism. This hypothesis about two symmetrical forms of destruction of private property

on the means of production, the synthesis of which should be real, that is, corresponding to its scientific concept, communism, has the advantage that it already has two anticipatory poles within the framework of the world capitalist system: state capital and state-capitalist capital — the USA and China, the Far West and the Far East. In this regard, it would be useful to study the corpus of Marxist literature related to the analysis of world integrated imperialism, or, as Hardt and Negri define it, Empires.

9. Trotsky: Industrial Parties.

In the text "Literature and Revolution", the leader of the October Revolution, Lev Davidovich Trotsky, discussing the future development of communist society, describes communities in defense of certain large projects for the transformation of society, alternative to the currently existing political parties expressing the interests of certain classes through state apparatuses. The advantage of such parties with a goal-oriented rather than expressive orientation is that in such a case progress is taken as a goal, and not as a consequence of a simple improvement in the living conditions of certain classes in a certain region of the planet. Moreover, further scientific and technological progress requires that communists supplement the political program of expressing the interests of the proletariat as a class exploited within the framework of capitalism with demands for the implementation of large technoscientific projects for the reconstruction of society, whether it be the reconstruction of existing ones, or the construction of new cities, including in new environments — on water, under water, underground or in orbit, or the construction of an orbital elevator, or the large-scale introduction of genetic modification of people, and so on. At the same time, the advancement of such projects without regard to the still unresolved class conflict would turn out to be pure pipe dreaming and utopian socialism, in the spirit of Jacques Fresco’s projects. Such a projection and its interrelation with class conflicts gravitating toward a final resolution make it possible to clarify the nature of the future communist association as an organ planning and coordinating such projects in an already classless society, or one becoming classless, as well as its interrelation with pre-communist elements, some of which it will be forced to rely on and others to suppress.

10. Gramsci: the historical block.

In his Prison Notebooks, the outstanding Italian communist and philosopher Antonio Gramsci points out the necessity of the proletariat forming a historical block, since each rising class carried out its revolution not alone, but in interrelation with a multitude of specific classes, strata, groups and parties adjoining the historical movement and finding in it the reflection and realization of their collective desires and interests. At the same time, the empirically existing link between the party of the revolutionary intelligentsia + industrial proletariat + peasantry during socialist revolutions, which led to the suppression of capitalism by the forces of "state-capitalist monopoly, which is made to serve the interests of the whole people", is not the only possible form of a historical block, both from the point of view of the diversity of the methods of the onset of previous formations, and from the point of view of the diversity of social actors capable of forming various compositions, collectively interested in the onset of communism, and in terms of a hypothetical form of socialization of property, symmetrical to the state-capitalist monopoly. Nevertheless, the idea of a historical block correctly characterizes the social basis of the coalition of agents that will implement communism, in whatever form and by whatever means it may come, as well as the relationship between the bulk of agents and its vanguard, from which the association itself and other strata of the post-capitalist mode of production complementary to it will develop. Classes, as Althusser emphasizes, represent concrete social structures, and not at all sets of individuals, the idea of which is based on a mixture of social structures and their physiological carriers.

11. Lifshitz: Restauratio Magna.

The outstanding Soviet philosopher Mikhail Lifshitz in many texts noted the close interconnection of the advancing communism not only with the most advanced phenomena in scientific, technical and social life, but also with all the preceding phenomena of world history, which expressed what he characterizes as ideal forms, or higher types of sociality, free from bad extremes and located beyond their abstract, degrading mixture. Capitalism, since it was not a planned, scientifically designed and consciously introduced mode of production, in the course of its spread led to the dying out of not only reactionary but also many progressive forms of social life, and, conversely, to the revival and spread of social relations that had already been outlived at previous stages: magic, religion, family, etc. Communism, advancing as the management of society becomes more conscious and scientific, will be able to correct these failures, restoring all that was best in all previous formations and which was destroyed or reduced to a minimum by the capitalist anarchy of production. At the same time, the tendency to restore elements of all previous formations — and to anticipate elements of future ones, is characteristic not only of communism, but in general of all modes of production. Consequently, it will be justified to assume that under communism, the strata that make up, or complementary associations, will partly reproduce elements of all previous modes of production: planetary, biological, tribal, despotic, capitalist, and communist proper — and anticipate the modes of production that will follow communism, the number of which is potentially infinite.

12. Marcuse: The Great Refusal.

At the end of his book One-Dimensional Man, the German Marxist philosopher and Heidegger's student Herbert Marcuse characterizes the coming communism as a society established at an unconscious level by the event of the Great Refusal. The essence of this event becomes clearer if we pay attention to the genealogy of this concept, which arises from the metaphorical condensation of Marx’s concept of communist revolution, Heidegger’s Ereignis and Freud’s concept of refusal. What a communist revolution is, as a particular case of a change in historical formation, is clear in the first approximation; while the other two concepts require a little more clarification. Thus, Ereignis according to Heidegger is a key event of the near future, in which the truth of being will finally become apparent beyond the technoscientific attitude to being as an entity.

As for the psychoanalytic concept of refusal, thanks to the long history of both analytical thought and hybrid Freudo-Marxist thought, it appears much clearer. According to Freud (in the Lacan-Guattari interpretation), the psyche of any subject is structured in one of three possible ways: neurotic, psychotic, or perverse, differing in how the subject is defined in relation to the impossibility of direct access to enjoyment. The neurotic is defined by the denial of this impossibility, which is repeatedly defeated, expressed in the obsessive and hysterical variants of the neurotic structure. As a result, this impossibility, experienced through the reproducible collapse of its denial, is understood as a lack. The other two structures, psychotic and perverse, are defined by the rejection and refusal of lack. Refusal is a way of dealing with lack in which any other concrete object is substituted for the missing phallus, thereby removing the problem of the Other’s enjoyment.

The problem is that Marcuse himself has not developed this concept, and it is located rather in the area characterized as the register of the imaginary according to Lacan, or ideology rather than science according to Althusser. Nevertheless, besides Marcuse, a number of authors, from Freud to the present day, point to the unconscious dimension of any mode of production, especially communist, which allows us to take Marcuse’s hypothesis as a valuable addition to the definition of communism, which requires further clarification and verification.

13. Althusser: not by humans, but by structures.

According to Louis Althusser’s reading of Marx’s texts, it is unacceptable to consider the process of transition as carried out by individuals, but by the masses of the people — that is, by different classes involved in the struggle with each other over the conditions of production, distribution and consumption of values. Classes, as Althusser emphasizes, are specific social structures, and not at all sets of individuals, the idea of ​​which is based on the confusion of social structures and their physiological carriers.

At the same time, the nature of the latter is determined by the structure and contradictions of the production relations in which they are embedded along with other objects. Lenin’s classical definition of classes as large groups of people can be clarified if we replace the ideological undifferentiated concept of people with the structures realized in their carriers. For example, the function of a slave owner, a bureaucrat, a priest or a capitalist was abstractly possible in the tribal system, but without carriers, it remained a virtual possibility, without forming the corresponding classes and strata.

In relation to Marcuse’s thesis, this means a significant adjustment of the ideas about the great refusal, which itself is a structure, if it occurs, will not have the pampering-corporeal and humanistic character that Marcuse attributed to it, but rather a state of general becoming due to the widest dissemination of genetic engineering technologies, the implantation of new sensory organs and other modifications of the body, opening up countless paths for new forms of both erotic and military application.

14. Deleuze and Guattari: constituted as desiring production.

G. Deleuze and F. Guattari in the two-volume work "Capitalism and Schizophrenia" that is continue the anti-humanist line of L. Althusser, pointing out that each social formation is characterized by its defining structure, hidden within the previous one. The structure of communist society is the structure of unconscious desire, suppressed and redefined by capitalism at the family level within the boundaries of the Oedipal triangle as territorization of commodity-money production. The mechanics of its disintegration under the influence of external and internal contradictions, which requires special study, yield a whole spectrum of unconscious structures, of which the psychotic split is essential, resolving the Oedipal unity of the psychic apparatus in favor of the free combinatorics of desiring machines.

The advantage of Deleuze and Guattari’s theses is that they allow us to redefine Marcuse’s thesis even more precisely, by linking the perverse component of the coming communism with the system of restored strata, and the psychotic schizoid component with the communist association proper, that is, with the reterritorialization and deterritorialization of capitalist neuroticism, respectively. Residual oedipality apparently falls to the share of the classes dying out in communism: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The depth of reterritorialization can lead to the restoration of not only social, but also pre-social modes of production, which requires an expansion of the theory of historical materialism for biological, geological and cosmological periods of the development of matter.

15. Deleuze and Guattari: further decoding of flows.

Deleuze and Guattari consider the process of decoding flows to be the most important tendency determining the course of world history and the change of formations. In the primitive communal system, all flows are coded — women, tools, objects of prestige — everything circulates along closed trajectories, sealed on all sides. The ancient despotic state carries out the overcoding of flows, passing them through the higher unity of the master signifier, embodied in the person of the monarch, in relation to which they are redefined. Finally, capitalism is established on the ruins of all previous formations, in a situation of decoded flows, which it axiomatizes, closing them in relation to the flow of money-capital, in relation to which all other flows are evaluated. With each subsequent formation, the heterogeneity of the elements that make up society, their modes of movement and the ability to heterogenesis increase, coming into conflict with the old codes and blurring them. The modern axiomatics of money-capital is also a historically transient, temporary form of existence of flows. The schizoid decoding of the flows of desire, predicted by Deleuze and Guattari as the trigger for the communist mode of production, surpasses the capitalist axiomatics in its degree of deterritorialization and includes it as a complement — just as capitalism includes statehood as a complement, etc.

16. Badiou: mathematizable as a set of exceptions.

Alain Badiou in his three-volume "Being and Event" defines communism as a set of exceptions from situations in four areas: science, art, politics, and love, the condition of difference and unity of which is the philosophy of dialectical materialism, developed by Badiou himself. In all these cases, the exception — that is, that which does not fit into the symbolic order, expressing beyond its limits — is the source of something new, developmental, progressive historical movement toward truth.

The mathematization and formalization of the ontology of transition, which Badiou insists on, also applies to the process of decoding flows and to general intelligence — and also has methodological value, allowing us to move from the unreliable words of natural language to strict numerical notation.

Conclusion

Is this list exhaustive of Marxist ideas about the coming communism, or the conclusions that can be made on their basis? In no way. However, it allows us to highlight the most significant provisions and, on their basis, to set the conceptual and theoretical optics, based on which further concretization of this phenomenon is possible. The optical metaphor in this case is not only a tribute to Spinoza, the consequence of the development of whose ideas is modern Marxism, but also a reference to the discourse of scientific knowledge as a system of complementary ideas about the world, a symbolically ordered space. Be that as it may, the concept of postcapitalism or communism as a historical event presupposes a clarification of the concept of history; and as a social formation — a clarification of the concept of society. In addition, in addition to the objective circumstances of structure, time and place, communism also presupposes a clarification of subjective circumstances, since it is not only an objectively occurring event, but also an object of our desire (or non-desire, if we imagine it inadequately). Therefore, a clarification of the concept of the unconscious as a space in which communism appears as an object-cause of our attraction to it.